Summary and Conclusions (continued)
History of Arsons by Subjects
The age related arson data is interesting in several ways.
Analysis of 1,474 arsons, where the age of the arsonist was known, revealed
that 58.7 percent of the fires were set before age 18 and 79.7 percent before
age 30. It was interesting to note that 625 (42.6 percent) were set between
the ages of 14 and 18. A notable drop in the number of fires, the number of
arsonists, and the average numbers of fires set was found at age 19 to 21. The
35 serial arsonists who set fires between the ages of 14 and 16 years averaged
9.1 fires each during those ages. Between 17 and 18 years, 34 offenders averaged
9.0 fires each. In contrast, between the ages of 19 and 21 years, 22 offenders
set an average of 4.2 fires. In the two earlier age groups, the total fires
exceeded 300 for the 14- 16 year old age group and for the 17 - 18 year old
age group. For the 19 - 21 age group, the total was less than 100 arsons.
However, the decrease in arson activity did not hold throughout
the older age groups. Those aged 30 or older set more fires, on average, than
did the younger arsonists. The averages went from 13.5 arsons in the 30 - 35
age group, 13.3 arsons in the 36 - 40 age group, and 33.7 arsons each in
the 41 -50 age group. Overall, the conclusions are evident. There are considerably
more juvenile offenders whose firesetting activities decrease or end around
age 19. Even so, the serial arsonists who continue their criminal firesetting
after that age become more frequent offenders, setting more fires than their
younger counterparts.
The offenders in this sample of serial arsonists each set about
31 fires. They were questioned but not charged in 3 of those fires, and ultimately
charged and convicted of three arsons. The remaining 25 arsons did not result
in questioning or charges filed. These numbers suggest a clearance rate for
serial arson of about 11 percent. Arson clearance rates nationally, according
to the Uniform Crime Reports, averaged 18.3 percent for the period 1982 - 1991.
The data would suggest that arsons committed by serial arsonists have a lower
clearance rate than the overall national rate.
Several of the variables in the study reflected the relative
lack of mobility for serial arsonists. Most (61 percent) walked to the scene
of the fires they set with 70 percent of the fires set within a radius of two
miles or less from the residence of the serial arsonist. Almost all of the arsons
were committed in areas with which the serial arsonist was acquainted. Few owned
vehicles and most set fires in their own state, town or neighborhood.
Most were apprehended through the efforts of law enforcement
investigators, although nearly 15 percent confessed or turned themselves in
to police. Almost none took any steps to avoid identification. They accepted
responsibility for their arsons and pled guilty to charges. Most either did
not consider the probabilities of being caught or rated those chances as slim.
Many would have set the fires even if they thought they would be convicted.
The findings from these variables suggest that much of the serial arson activity
is compulsive in nature.
Characteristics of The Offenses
There were no discernible patterns in the overall target selection
of the serial arsonists. A wide range of responses were given to questions about
target selection. The methods of gaining access to an arson target were much
more patternable. The most commonly reported method of entry into a target structure
was through open entryways, a method reported by 37.8 percent of the serial
arsonists. Another 18.9 percent broke into the structures and 16.2 percent used
multiple methods to gain access to the selected target.
Accomplices took part in the serial arsonists criminal
acts in 20.3 percent of the cases. The sixteen serial arsonists who reported
having an accomplice included 14 who had a male accomplice, one a female, and
one had both a female and a male who accompanied them during their commission
of arson offenses. It is interesting that those with accomplices set considerably
fewer fires (average 6.1 fires) than those who worked alone (average 32.6 fires).
This information, coupled with the information on methods of apprehension, suggests
that some of the apprehensions were the result of accomplices turning the arsonist
in to police.
Almost all of the serial arsonists used unsophisticated methods
in setting fires. They used available materials, paper, and gasoline as the
most common accelerants and matches or cigarette lighters for ignition of the
fires. Few used any kind of hand made device in their arsons. Nearly one-half
left items at the scene, including items that would be key evidence. About one-fourth
of the arsonists removed items, mostly valuables, from the scene before igniting
a fire.
After setting a fire, about one-third of the serial arsonists
remained at the scene of the fire. About one-fourth usually went to another
location, away from the scene, to observe the fire and the action involved in
fighting it. Another 40 percent departed from the scene and did not return.
Slightly over one-half did return to the scene at some time after the fire.
The return to the fire scene ranged from minutes after the fire was set to as
much as a week later although, 97.3 percent returned to the scene within 24
hours of the arson.
Residential structures were the target of 10.5 percent of the
arsons. contrasts with an average of 34.1 percent of arsons reported in the
UCR for the period 1982 - 1991. The large difference in these data may be explained
by the numbers of nuisance fires set by the serial arsonists. Nuisance fires
are less likely to be included in official arson reports. Businesses accounted
for 18.1 percent of the arsons committed by the serial arsonists in this study.
The percentage of businesses and commercial structures victimized by arson in
the ten year UCR data was 13.3 percent. Other structures were the targets of
the serial arsonists in 14.6 percent of the 1,450 fires. Other structures accounted
for only 8.6 percent of the UCR arsons based on a ten year average. Overall,
the serial arsonists selected structures 43.2 percent of the time. In the ten
year average of the UCR data, structure fires of all types accounted for an
average of 55.1 percent of the fires. Vehicles were the target of the serial
arsonists in 16.3 percent of the offenses while the national UCR average for
all arsons was 26.1 percent vehicles. A major difference was noted in the UCR
category of other than structural or mobile targets where the 10 year average
was 18.0 percent. In contrast, the serial arsonists selected a target in this
category for 40.5 percent of the fires they set. (See Table 62.) That serial
arsonists would set more fires in vegetation and in non-structures, such as
trash bins and dumpsters, should not be surprising. Many of the serial arsonists
set fires for excitement and any fire may provide that excitement. The large
difference in this category could, however, be explained by the failure to include
such fires in the local law enforcement counts of arsons.
By far the majority of the serial arsonists set only one fire
in a location. However, some returned to set new fires in the same place many
times. While the frequency of firesetting did not significantly change over
time, the severity of offenses did. Of 37 serial arsonists who answered the
questions about severity of their offenses, 64.9 percent increased severity
over time.
Nearly one-half of our sample used alcohol before setting fires
and 26 others reported significantly different alcohol use at the time of fires.
One in three of the serial arsonists used drugs other than alcohol before setting
fires and 5.1 percent increased drug use significantly at the time of setting
fires. The significantly different use involved heavier than normal substance
use by the individual. Overall, 16.9 percent reported increasing alcohol or
drug use after setting a fire.
Motives and Reasons for Firesetting
A variety of reasons and contributing stress factors were reported
by the members of the study group. These reasons and stress factors reflect
the general lack of skills of the arsonists in dealing with problems of life
in general. As evidenced in the findings, the serial arsonists generally had
failed in almost every aspect of their lives. Despite most having average or
above intelligence and most coming from families that were relatively comfortable
socioeconomically, the life histories of serial arsonists are replete with failures.
They failed in interpersonal relationships in the family, with playmates, in
marriage, and in school. Their occupational history reflects more failure and
most have either extensive psychological histories or medical histories. For
many, arson may be only thing they have tried in their life that yields relative
success.
All but five of the serial arsonists could be classified by
motive according to the Crime Classification Manual (Douglas, et al, 1993).The
most common motive was revenge with 41.4 percent of the offenders. Excitement
motivated arsonists accounted for another 30.5 percent, vandalism (7.3 percent),
and 4.8 percent each had motives of arson for profit and arson for crime concealment.
Five members of the sample had mixed motives. The remaining five offenders were
classified as mentally disordered with severe psychological problems (2), religious
fervor (1), and "evil spirits" (2) as motivation factors. The mentally
disordered motive classification is not included in the Crime Classification
Manual.
In the revenge motivated arsons, the majority directed their
retaliatory arsons against institutions and society. Personal and group retaliation
arsons tend to be single occurrence events since the desired revenge may be
gained through a single act of arson. However, revenge against institutions
and society may require, in the mind of the arsonist, multiple acts of arson
to fully extract the desired level of revenge. The personal and group retaliation
serial arsonists exhibited repeated hostility against other persons and other
groups, suggesting that their potential targets might never be exhausted. Thus,
they exhibited serial arson behavior even though their individual targets would
normally be the recipient of a single arson offense.
These preliminary, descriptive results are the first step in a comprehensive
examination of the data collected in this study. Hopefully, the completed analyses
will add to the body of knowledge about one of the most serious of crimes, arson,
and specifically about the offenders who repeatedly commit this crime.
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